By Jürgen Dieringer

When I asked my students this question, they became quiet for quite a while. Then, they came up with Margaret Thatcher and Imelda Marcos. The problem is that Thatcher was not a dictator, and Marcos was a desperate attachment to the dictator, her husband Ferdinand, infamous for her collection of shoes. Take the timeframe of 1990-2024, and you do not find any relevant female dictator globally. Dictators are male! What do we take from that? Maybe we need a feminist foreign policy to tackle the problem.

Dictators are Male!

Suppose we select important leaders of major countries or organizations that served approximately the same time, categorizing liberal-democratic on the one and authoritarian-dictatorial-populist governments on the other side. In that case, we find a 50:50 ratio among the male populace (if we put Modi into the liberal camp, which is pretty questionable). Biden, Macron, Scholz, Trudeau, and Modi (liberal-democratic) face Xi, Putin, Erdogan, Bolsonaro, and Bin Salman, a group of leaders who govern in dictatorial, authoritarian, or populist fashion. And this list does not even include Trump, Orbán, or Milei.

On the female side, there is harmony. Only liberal democrats, without any doubt. What do we take from this?

The Absence of Female Dictators

Some may say that women are more peaceful and balanced in general. But actually, we don’t need this psychological-biological explanation. Our argument should be a structural one. Women often do not even make it into power because the sticky patriarchy prevents them so far, as the UN shows in the “Women in Politics” map of the UN.

According to this data, women in politics is “normal” only in Western-type democracies. Another area with promising numbers is the southern part of Africa, where countries like Namibia, Botswana and Zambia show positive development towards sustained democratic patterns and good governance, as the qualitative data of the new Bertelsmann study (Bertelsmann Transformation Index 2024) shows. There is a clear upward trend. On the other side of the scale, in states governed by leaders with great “machismo”, women’s rights in particular and the inclusiveness of administrations in general is fairly low; take Erdogan’s Turkiye or Orbán’s Hungary, countries that under-perform in their cohort. Orbán explained the temporary absence of female ministers in his government by mentioning the need to “protect” women from the muddy waters of politics. The “myth of protection” is one big brick in the wall of the patriarchy erected against the empowerment of women. It serves only the strive of the male gatekeepers to stay in power.

Liberal-democratic systems, with their high-quality participatory governance models and inclusive policies, allow upward mobility for women. Once in power, they can balance the system even further. And yes, they are much less vulnerable to autocratic, populist temptation than men. Trump, Orbán, Erdogan: Their voters are often male.

Gender and war: Foreign policies are all but female

Many (male) political leaders who take their armies to war without the presence of an objective threat often justify this breach of international law via “protection.” They promise to protect minorities, the vulnerable, or the nation. The narrative “protecting women and children” is quite common throughout international conflicts, too. The myth of protection seems to work. How surprising, then, that women and children often make up the majority of casualties in conflicts? The duality of “protector” and “raper” is less visible in the narratives asking for military intervention.

“Conflicts of interest between men and women are unlike other conflicts. A worker and a capitalist do not typically live together under the same roof or sharing concerns and experiences and acting jointly. This aspect of ‘togetherness’ gives the gender conflict some very special characteristics”

Amartya Sen, 1990

Against this background, a redefinition of security in international politics is essential. The subordinate role of women in international relations has to be overcome. To do that, all forms of challenges women face must be tackled: exploitation through a division of labor with asymmetrically distributed benefits, for example, the gender pay gap, the control of the exploited by the exploiters, and marginalization of women in all spheres of societies.

Feminist Foreign Policies are Needed

Feminist foreign policy, rooted in the advocacy for equality of the sexes and dismantling systemic injustices against women and marginalized groups, extends these concerns to foreign affairs. It emphasizes gender equality, human rights, and social justice in diplomatic actions, development aid, trade agreements, and security measures. The policy’s inception is credited to Sweden, the first nation to officially adopt a feminist foreign policy in 2014, inspired by then-foreign minister Margot Wallström. This innovative step was based on the understanding that gender equality is not just a human rights matter but also essential for peace, security, and sustainable development. Inspired by the Swedish model, other countries have since implemented their versions of the policy, tailored to their specific national contexts and international objectives. Similarly, German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock‘s commitment to feminist foreign policy underscores Germany’s dedication to promoting gender equality internationally. By integrating feminist principles into its foreign policy, Germany aims to challenge the existing gender imbalances and advocate for a more inclusive and equitable global order.

Theoretical Foundations and Core Principles

The theoretical underpinnings of feminist foreign policy lie in feminist theory, which examines the gendered dimensions of power and systemic barriers to equality. This policy paradigm challenges traditional, state-centric, and militaristic approaches to international relations, promoting a different perspective on security, development, and diplomacy through a gender lens.

The core principles of feminist foreign policy include gender equality and the importance of inclusivity and participation of women and marginalized groups in governance. It advocates for a comprehensive security framework beyond military might, focusing instead on addressing economic, environmental, and social factors contributing to insecurity and conflict. Transparency and accountability are also crucial, requiring governments to be open about their foreign policy decisions and commitments to gender equality and human rights.

Beyond the Patriarchy: Towards a more balanced foreign policy

Obviously, the world needs more female politicians and leaders, especially when populist narratives dominate the discourse. How can we achieve this? The foreign policies of our Western, liberal-democratic governments, which oversee huge budgets in their foreign- and developmental policies, will have to mainstream gender issues. Applying gender-inclusive diplomacy means financing education for girls, scholarships for young women, and micro-credits for female entrepreneurs.

By the way, Philippine Dictator Ferdinand Marcos was replaced by Corazon Aquino, the female president who restored democracy in 1986.